Is Boakai’s Presidency Already in Decline—Another Failed Government Experiment or Can He Reset?

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By Sidiki Fofana

Truth in Ink

Joseph Nyuma Boakai’s rise to the presidency was historic not for its novelty, but for its symbolism. In a nation long wearied by political disappointments, war, and corruption, Boakai represented something many believed had vanished from Liberian politics: integrity backed by experience. Unlike Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, whose post-war charisma and Nobel Prize prestige swept her into power, or George Weah, who rode populist energy and football fame to victory, Boakai’s path was long, quiet, and methodical. He was not seen as a disruptor, but as a stabilizer. Not revolutionary, but redemptive. And that, precisely, is why the stakes are so high.

A Presidency Built on Experience—and Hope

Boakai became only the second Vice President in modern Liberian history—after William R. Tolbert in 1971—to ascend to the presidency. His backstory was compelling: a man who rose from rural Lofa County, educated modestly, who then served as Agriculture Minister, managed key state institutions, and spent 12 years as Vice President. He was widely believed to be prepared for the presidency “on day one.”

Many drew parallels to Tolbert, who, after years under Tubman’s rule, had seen Liberia’s internal contradictions from the front row. He understood that the state, as structured, favored a settler oligarchy at the expense of indigenous progress. Upon becoming President, Tolbert moved swiftly to initiate reforms—opening space for grassroots political participation, supporting cooperative farming, and challenging systemic inequalities. Historian Elwood Dunn observed that “Tolbert’s presidency, though short-lived, represented a blueprint for the inclusive, progressive Liberia that never fully materialized.” (Dunn, Annual Messages of the Presidents of Liberia, 2011).

Likewise, Boakai’s supporters believed he, too, had seen enough to know what must change. One prominent observer said:

“He knew, unlike others before him, what to expect from each cabinet minister. He was believed to know what performance looks like and what integrity means in a position of public trust.”

It wasn’t just experience. It was trust. A Nation Tired of Mistakes

Liberians have long suffered from presidential inexperience and poor governance. From Tubman’s long rule through Doe’s military seizure of power, from Taylor’s war presidency to Sirleaf’s postwar reconstruction, and Weah’s populist contradictions—each administration has left behind legacies of missed opportunities and structural erosion as candidate Boakai hammered during the campaign.

Boakai’s victory was supposed to end that cycle. His win, however narrow, was perceived as a national decision to choose wisdom over excitement, depth over charisma. Voters turned to the “most prepared man in the room,” hoping he would not fall into the traps of his predecessors.

But when Boakai fails -as warning signs increasingly suggest—his collapse could be the most devastating since the birth of the Second Republic. Not because of the policies alone, or because his AREST Agenda will be unfulfilled, but because the hopes placed in him were deeper, more symbolic, and more desperate. The people did not just elect a man; they invested in a belief. A belief that governance could still work. That trust, experience, and vision still mattered.

If that belief collapses, so too might the very notion that political leadership can be a force for good in Liberia. That, more than any single scandal or failed policy, would be the true tragedy of a failed Boakai presidency.

As President Barack Obama once put it:

“Being in the room where decisions are made gives you a sense of the complexity of governance that books and theory alone cannot provide.” (The Audacity of Hope, 2006). Boakai had been in that room. For decades. But what has followed has not reflected that preparation. Early Signs of Failure: A Disturbing Pattern Emerges

Barely a year into office, the Boakai administration shows unmistakable signs of a government in rapid decline:

  • Defiance of the Supreme Court’s ruling, undermining the separation of powers and constitutional order.
  • Targeted dismissals of civil servants, suggesting a return to patronage politics rather than merit-based governance.
  • A questionable procurement scandal, infamously labeled the “Yellow Machine Saga,” casting doubt on transparency.
  • The unaccounted use of over $20 million USD for road rehabilitation, raising fears of fiscal mismanagement.
  • Acquisition of a lavish presidential vehicle fleet, alleged to cost over $1 million USD, in sharp contrast to Liberia’s economic realities. These are not isolated missteps—they are systemic signals of governance breakdown. As political economist Dambisa Moyo warned: “When governments fail to deliver, the people lose faith not just in leaders, but in the state itself.” (Dead Aid, 2009). This is not just about broken promises under Boakai’s AREST Agenda. It is about a crisis of legitimacy. When the people believed they had chosen the one leader most capable of leading, and he too fails, it renders government itself as a failed enterprise.

The Consequences of Boakai’s Failure: A Threat to Governance Itself. Boakai’s presidency was supposed to restore public faith in government. As political philosopher John Locke noted, “The end of government is the good of mankind.” (Second Treatise of Government, 1689).

But when governance becomes indistinguishable from personal enrichment, exclusion, and incompetence, the people retreat—not just from participation but from belief. Now here comes a July 17 “We the People” protest – a reaction to these growing weariness  supported by the Liberian Constitution, in Article 1, which reminds us:

“All power is inherent in the people. All free governments are instituted by their authority and for their benefit.”

Failure to govern, therefore, is more than administrative—it is constitutional betrayal.

This is why the  statement attributed to Senator Edwin Snowe, allegedly wishing for Boakai’s failure, was met with unprecedented backlash. Not because Boakai is beloved beyond reproach, but because such a failure would shatter a fragile national hope. Even his opponents wanted him to succeed—because they feared what it would mean if he did not.

Can Boakai Reset? A Narrow Path Forward

The window is closing, but not shut. Boakai can still alter course—if he accepts that symbolism is no longer enough and takes urgent action:

  1. Purge his government of recycled elites and underperformers. Leadership must be based on competence, not loyalty.
  2. Deliver quick, visible wins in roads, salaries, and health. Perception of momentum is critical in fragile states.
  3. Reassert the rule of law. Submit to court rulings and restore institutional integrity.
  4. Publicly account for spending. The road fund, procurement processes, and luxury purchases must be audited and disclosed.
  5. Lead by example. Frugality, humility, and discipline from the top will send the strongest message to a skeptical population. As Hannah Arendt once noted: “The collapse of democratic systems begins not when laws are broken, but when the people no longer see themselves reflected in those laws.” Boakai must remind Liberians that government is still theirs. Conclusion: A Nation at the Brink

When Boakai fails, it will not be because he is fragile in age, but because he is unwilling to stand against the tide of misrule—the same governance rot he was elected to uproot. The evidence is mounting: judicial defiance, civil service politicization, fiscal recklessness, and growing disconnect from the public’s suffering. These are not teething issues of a new administration—they are symptoms of state failure.

Boakai was entrusted not just with power, but with redemption—the chance to prove that preparation, decency, and experience could still lead. His failure will not be personal. It will be systemic. It will signal that the presidency is no longer the solution to Liberia’s challenges, but the shell of a broken promise.

Boakai stands at a fork. He can either fulfill his historic promise or become a footnote in a long line of well-intentioned failures. When Boakai fails, Liberia may lose not only a president, but the public’s belief in the presidency as an engine of progress.

This is not hyperbole. It is history.. And history, as Liberia knows too well, is unforgiving. And in that, it would become the most dangerous failure of all.

About the Author

Sidiki Fofana is an Organization and Leadership Development Expert with extensive experience in Institutional Change Management and Business Development. He is also a trained Cybersecurity Specialist from Saint Joseph’s University and a seasoned Grassroots Political Strategist.

Fofana is the founder and lead columnist of Truth In Ink Incorporated, where his work delivers objective political, economic, and social analysis focused on ethics, power, and the evolving face of Liberian democracy.

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