Background In the early 1800s, a group consisting of philanthropists, clergy, and abolitionists who wanted to free African slaves set out to establish the American Colonization Society led by Robert Findley.
By December 21, 1816, another group of exclusively white upper-class males led by President James Monroe, Bushrod Washington, Andrew Jackson, Francis Scott Key, and Daniel Webster met at the Davis Gotel in Washington DC and adopted a constitution to relentlessly pressure the US Congress for financial support for establishing Liberia.
In 1819, the group of exclusive white upper-class males received $100,000.00 (one hundred thousand) from the U.S. Congress, and by January 1820 the first ship sailed from New York headed for Africa now known (as Liberia).
Thereafter, the capital of Liberia, Monrovia was named after James Monroe, president of the United States of America.
Mr. Ambassador, Greetings, Your Excellency, I would like to take issue with the United States’ Foreign Policy towards Liberia during World War II, its aftermath, the Cold War, The CIA’s extensive Operational presence in Liberia, and the current Biden administration. In my view and the view of many Africans, the policy is considered the most racist and is at best inept.
A few years back, Liberia was the recipient of the largest United Nations peacekeeping force, whilst the country is considered by the US policymakers in Washington D.C as a FAILED STATE and one of the poorest in the world.
Lest we forget, Susannah Lewis and the six other ladies who made the Liberian flag were all free black slaves from the USA (Americo-Liberians).
Their idea of creating a flag almost like the flag of Texas, a state in the United States proves how genuine and cohesive the relationship between Liberia and the United States. The United States may not be labelled a colonizing power in Liberia as France is to La Cote d’Ivoire or Britain is to Nigeria.
However, the former plantation slaves whose existence made the United States search for secured land to call their own were not paid in cash for their 200-plus years of labor nor were they given the 40 acres of land, and a mule as promised by the US authorities.
Unfortunately, Liberians have not been able to articulate the poor state of their condition to the American people, particularly the African Americans.
The Struggles of these freed slaves to leave America in search of a suitable place in Africa to call home are no less and no more than those of Jews who were fleeing persecution and concentration camps in Germany (Europe) in the run-up to the founding of the United Nations in San Francisco shortly after the war.
As a matter of historical fact, Liberians are recorded to have experienced murder, lynching, and inhumane racism at the hands of American plantation owners during those abominable years.
It must also be stated emphatically that Liberia was the only African representative at the founding of the United Nations who identified with the struggle of the Jews around the world by casting the lone vote in the UN which guaranteed the creation of the state of Israel.
We have lived long enough to witness the US Marshall Plan for Germany, Japan, the State of Israel, and Western Europe the tunes of Billions of US dollars.
While giving Liberia what was billed as Gun Boat Diplomacy after the War. Liberia’s 178 years of unbroken ties with the United States have produced very little or no progress for the nation.
With an illiteracy rate running at 65% percent of the population and a near absence of good schools, motor-able roads, moribund health care delivery systems, medieval communications, and mounting poverty and increasing homelessness, Liberia has virtually nothing to show for being close to the United States for over a century and a half. The United States does have not a single structure to show for its long presence in Liberia.
Indeed, in the aftermath of the coup d’etat of 1980, Washington rolled back her presence in Liberia considerably leaving a minuscule staff at her embassy in Monrovia, Liberia. This after reaping billions of dollars at the expense of an illiterate society, without paying heed to the pressing needs of that society.
In a review of all the above and considering the non-developmental disclosure of US privately-owned companies that reap millions of dollars if not billions of dollars from Liberia at the detriment of the Liberian people (Firestone, LISCR, and USAID) projects, I therefore suggest a serious review of US foreign policy in Liberia considering Liberia Natural and Historical relationship with the US.
Unfortunately, Liberians have not been able to articulate their condition to the American people particularly the African American population of 7 million plus residing in the USA, Liberia, and other parts of the world.
It is, however, regrettable that the United States, the world’s leading industrialized and wealthiest nation would stand by idle and see the hope and aspirations of its former slaves and millions of their descendants disintegrate after the US’s long involvement with the host country.
Liberia is a nation rich in natural and mineral resources with the Firestone Rubber plantation being the largest plantation in the world, holding a million acres of prime land for nearly a full hundred years and the second largest rubber plantation being held by the name B.F Goodrich, just to name a few. The relationship between Liberia and the United States has always been asymmetrical.
While Liberia was founded as an independent nation, its establishment and early years were heavily influenced by American interests. This influence extended into the economic realm, where American companies, notably Firestone, have played a significant role.
Firestone’s presence in Liberia dates back to 1926 when it signed a 99-year lease for one million acres to cultivate rubber, a vital resource for the American automobile industry (Dunn, 2009).
The lease terms were highly favorable to Firestone, with minimal benefits to the Liberian state. The company’s operations became a microcosm of the larger exploitative relationship between Liberia and the United States. Firestone not only extracted rubber but also exercised significant control over local politics and economics.
The rubber company’s dominance highlighted the broader pattern of economic exploitation that characterized much of Liberia’s interactions with the United States throughout the 20th century (Steinberg, 2001).
Mr. Ambassador, you need not be reminded about the flag of convenience and the disparity in income generations since the birth of the Liberia shipping registry by a private US company back in 1948.
A flag of convenience (FOC) is a business practice in which ship owners register their vessels in a country other than their own to benefit from less severe regulations, reduced taxes, and lower operating costs.
Liberia, along with Panama and the Marshall Islands, is a leading FOC registration in the globe. Liberian[1]flagged ships receive less regulatory inspection, allowing owners to dodge stringent labor, safety, and environmental regulations in their home nations (International Transport Workers’ Federation, 2022). The US has reaped major benefits from Liberia’s FOC status.
Many American-owned vessels are registered under the Liberian flag, allowing these firms to save millions in taxes and regulatory fees. According to the International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF), FOCs undercut global labor norms and allow shipowners to avoid accountability.
The US government benefits indirectly from business profits and increasing global trade, which are facilitated by cost savings. While Liberia collects minor registration fees and annual taxes on ships, the income generated is only a fraction of what might be earned under a more equal tax framework.
The United States and other countries benefit from increased corporate tax income from shipping businesses, which use the savings to grow earnings and reinvest in their home economies. Ships registered under the Liberian flag frequently hire seafarers from low-wage countries who work in substandard conditions.
These laborers confront long hours, low pay, and few legal safeguards. The savings from lower labor expenses boost shipping businesses’ profitability, boosting the economies of their home countries while prolonging labor exploitation.
Again, a huge beneficiary of this private foreign entrepreneurship is the USA. Also, Mr. Ambassador, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has been active in Liberia, particularly in the post-conflict reconstruction period following the end of the civil war in 2003.
While USAID has funded various projects aimed at rebuilding infrastructure and improving public services, these projects often come with conditions that benefit American companies and consultants. A significant portion of the aid is used to pay high salaries to American expatriates and consultants, limiting the funds available for local development initiatives (Dunning, 2004).
For instance, the USAID-funded Liberia Education Assistance Project was criticized for allocating over 60% of its budget to administrative costs, including salaries for American staff. This allocation left less than 40% of the funds for direct educational improvements, such as building schools and training local teachers (Foster, 2016).
Such practices have been widely criticized for perpetuating a cycle of dependency rather than fostering sustainable local capacity. Moreover, the conditional nature of this aid often ties Liberia’s economic policies to the interests of foreign donors, undermining the country’s sovereignty.
Mr. Ambassador, despite Liberia’s historical ties to the United States, the relationship has been marked by a clear power imbalance.
One of the most visible manifestations of this imbalance is the strict U.S. visa policy towards Liberians. Unlike citizens from many other countries with similar or lesser historical ties to the United States, Liberians often face stringent visa restrictions.
For example, while Sierra Leoneans frequently receive five-year visas, Liberians are typically granted much shorter durations, if at all (New York Times, 2022).
This disparity not only limits opportunities for Liberians but also highlights the broader discriminatory practices embedded in U.S. foreign policy.
Furthermore, the influence of American corporations on Liberian politics exacerbates this power imbalance. U.S. companies have often leveraged their economic influence to secure favorable conditions, sometimes at the expense of Liberia’s national interests.
A case in point is the pressure exerted by the U.S. government on the Liberian authorities to grant mining rights to American companies, despite concerns about environmental degradation and insufficient local economic benefits (Human Rights Watch, 2019). These actions reflect a broader pattern where economic and political pressures are used to maintain an unequal relationship.
Mr. Ambassador, since the founding of Liberia in 1822, her population of just over one and a half million has mushroomed to over five million hardcore pro-Americans, governed by a constitutional document drafted at Harvard and Cornell universities’ it is surprising to see this country laboring under such dismal, illiterate rate, massive poverty and ignorance.
I suggest a thorough review of the US foreign policy concerning her bilateral relations with Liberia, considering the above-mentioned facts. I also call for a reform in the Liberian Marshall Plan at the cost of $10 billion for a new Liberia Development Program, and a show of America’s true interest in Africa, specifically Liberia.
This Marshall Plan when revised and updated from the current Non-existence Marshall Plan must focus on the following areas: A. Roads, Seaports & Airports B. Massive Education Programs C. Healthcare Delivery System D. Food & Agriculture Development E. Light & Water Mr. Ambassador, this open letter to my recollections is one of the second if not the only second of its kind intended to address the United States policy by a Liberian citizen.
The first time such a letter was drafted and sent to you was on January 12, 2004, by Prof. Joshua N. Bedell, II and this letter serves as a recap of reminder.
Let me clearly state to you, the American people, and the world at large that this letter is not intended in any way to embarrass the US but to call attention to the policy in Light of what has been done in the past and what is needed to be done after a civil war that has prompted the world body of the united nation to put into place the largest peacekeeping force since its founding in 1945.
There are many things about Liberia that the American people do not know, and did not know, until the crucial days of the July 26- August 2003 war, when the entire nation of Liberia was destroyed in world view.
Liberia was not only founded by freed and fleeing slaves but also by an act of the US Congress during the administration of James Monroe, in whose name the capital of Liberia, Monrovia was named, also countless cities, towns, and settlements in Liberia were named after states, cities, and towns in America from where came these free slaves.
Yours sincerely, George S Tengbeh Founder, Liberia Labour & Governance Alliance
Cc: The Political Affairs Officer, Embassy of the USA, Mamba Point, Monrovia, Liberia U.S Embassy, office of Public Affairs III, united Nations Drive, mamba Point, Monrovia, Liberia The Charge’s Affairs, US. Embassy, Mamba Point, Monrovia, Liberia.
George S Tengbeh Founder, Liberia Labour & Governance Alliance
