By Sidiki Fofana
I write this not as a supporter nor admirer of Liberia’s Vice President, Hon. Jeremiah Kpan Koung Sr. Neither is this caution rooted in fear. In fact, as a senior leader within one of Liberia’s largest opposition parties, my mission is to help remove power from the grasp of Koung and the current ruling establishment.
This warning—under the theme “Underestimate Jeremiah Koung and his ambition for the Presidency at your own peril”—is a wake-up call to all who harbor similar ambition. It is a foreword strategic thinking helpful for political ” battle planning.”
It is a sober analysis based on Liberia’s evolving political trends and the historical echoes surrounding Koung’s rise. To dismiss his path to the presidency is to ignore precedent—and that is a dangerous political miscalculation.
- Humble Beginnings, Powerful Appeal
Liberian history reminds us that power rarely rewards the most polished or best prepared. Instead, it often favors those whose stories mirror the lived experiences of the majority. From Samuel Doe to George Weah, and even Joseph Boakai, we’ve seen this repeated: humble beginnings, grassroots appeal, and an unanticipated rise to power—frequently fueled by others.
Jeremiah Koung’s life reflects this familiar pattern. Like Doe and Weah, he emerged from obscurity and hardship—not Monrovia’s elite inner circle. His background, shaped by poverty and a limited education, reflects the realities of countless Liberians. In our country, that background is not a political liability—it’s a powerful credential.
Time and again, we’ve seen candidates with modest academic achievements defeat those with advanced degrees. Those who connect with ordinary citizens routinely outperform polished technocrats with global exposure but little domestic reliability.
Even contested aspects of Koung’s identity—such as his debated ethnic heritage—have not derailed his ascent. On the contrary, his perceived authenticity and reliability only deepen his appeal.
Underestimate Koung at your own peril.
- A Rise Fueled by Others, Not Personal Ambition
Koung’s political rise, like Doe’s and Weah’s before him, did not originate from personal ambition. Instead, it was catalyzed by endorsement and patronage. Senator Prince Johnson—Koung’s political godfather—brought him into national focus, just as the rise of Samuel Doe, whose comrades ushered him to power; and George Weah, propelled by popular desperation when they themselves were uncertain of their political futures.
This kind of momentum—organic, externally driven, and rooted in grassroots appeal—is incredibly difficult to stop.
- Pretending to Be Powerless, Securing Power:
Like Boakai before him, Koung has mastered the art of pretense. Boakai’s “sleepy old man” persona lulled many into underestimating him—until he won. Similarly, Koung has skillfully used pretense to build influence, while concealing a deep ambition behind a calm exterior.
A striking example is how he pretended in convincing the CDC-led government to invest political and financial capital into building him up—believing they were weakening Prince Johnson. In reality, they created a parallel power center in Koung that helped cost them the presidency and now threatens any potential George Weah comeback. Underestimate Koung at your own peril.
- Charming and Mischievously Calculating
Like Charles Taylor, Koung fuses charm with strategic cunning. Taylor’s blend of charisma and menace made him both feared and revered. Koung exhibits a similar duality: his youth and likability win over admirers, while his quiet political maneuvers leave rivals unsettled.
He submitted to Prince Johnson and the MDR to secure their support behind his charge with the Unity Party, but soon abandoned them when it became clear such was the requirement to position himself as Boakai’s successor on the ticket of the Unity Party.
It is no secret that many young Unity Party officials now align with his long-term presidential ambition. Weekend pilgrimages to his farm and open pledges of loyalty reveal the growing perception of Koung not as a mere Vice President—but as the de facto leader of the party’s future.
Many insiders already speak openly of a Koung presidency—with brag of a “two terms” as the assumed outcome.
- A Vice President Unlike Any Other: additionally, the Liberian Vice Presidency has been seen as ceremonial—what Koung’s current boss call a “parked car.” But Koung is far from idle. He has taken on unprecedented responsibility: oversight of SOEs, infrastructure projects, key international negotiations, even national sports programs. He is also accused of orchestrating the recent removal of the House Speaker—suggesting a strategic effort to influence the branch of government that controls national appropriations. In Boakai, Koung has found an unusually trusting president. But in Koung, Boakai may have empowered his successor—or his political rival.
- The Nimba Factor
Koung is emboldened. He led the campaign to fill the Senate seat left vacant by Prince Johnson’s death and now calls himself Nimba County’s new political godfather. He is leveraging the emotionally charged sentiment: “It’s Nimba’s time.” It’s the same message that propelled his earlier campaigns—and he will use it again. Overlooking Koung or failing to build a strategy to defeat him could be a grave misstep. While Boakai may seek a second term, Koung is positioning himself as the Unity Party’s preferred future candidate. Any serious presidential hopeful for 2029 must include defeating Koung as part of their path to victory.
- The Audacity to Challenge Weah
In Liberia, George Weah remains the most popular political figure among the youth. Most opponents avoid open conflict with him. Not Koung. In a widely watched interview with The Closing Argument—which has garnered over a million views—Koung boldly stated that “Weah should park” when I am coming. It was brash. It was strategic. And it electrified his base. That moment of audacity positioned Koung not as a successor to Boakai, but as a contender to Weah himself.
- Financial War Chest
Jeremiah Koung, much like George Weah and Charles Taylor before him, will be entering the race for the Liberian presidency under the broad perception that he has amassed substantial wealth. Koung is widely believed to be a rich man, having built his fortune under circumstances many consider questionable. Yet, in Liberia, the origin of a politician’s wealth—no matter how exploitative of public resources—is rarely a barrier to political ambition.
Koung’s rise has been methodical. As deputy head of the powerful Ways and Means Committees in both the House of Representatives and the Senate, he strategically positioned himself at the heart of national budget processes. This gave him access not only to public funds but also to critical patronage networks. Already trained and seasoned as a businessman, Koung understood early how to exploit weaknesses in public financial management for private gain.
To underestimate Koung, dismiss his ambition, or fail to craft a serious “Defeat Koung” political ” battle plan” is to hand him a clear path to power. Among all potential contenders, he stands today as the most formidable disruptor to the ambitions of any serious presidential hopeful.
- Relationships and Networks: Influence
Like Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and Charles Taylor before him, Koung has deliberately built a vast political network—one that cuts across party lines and penetrates even the heart of the opposition. His influence is not only wide but also deeply embedded in Liberia’s fractured political ecosystem.
This was most clearly seen in the aftermath of the Supreme Court ruling, where several opposition parties—led by the NPP, whose National Chairman reportedly serves as a consultant in Koung’s office—issued statements that closely aligned with Koung’s own interests. Such coordination suggests a level of influence that is both calculated and quiet.
His political reach goes beyond institutional power. Edwin Snowe, a well-known opposition figure, has publicly admitted that he once sought to have Koung as his running mate for 2029. As the tables turn, it’s now plausible that Koung is the one seeking Snowe’s endorsement. His network is so broad that, by the 2023 elections, nearly every major presidential candidate had reportedly sought Koung’s backing—an acknowledgment of the leverage he holds in key regions and among influential stakeholders.
Even Musa Bility, a rising force in the opposition, was reportedly compelled to consult Koung when a new Speaker election seemed likely in the House of Representatives as a potential resolution to the legislative impasse. This interaction is believed to have influenced Bility’s party, the CMC, to preemptively concede to Koung’s candidate in the recent Nimba County by-election—even before results were announced by the NEC. Koung’s influence is real, strategic, and far-reaching. To ignore it is to misread the future of Liberian politics.
Why This Matters Now: Liberia’s political terrain is shifting. Old coalitions are breaking down. New alliances are forming. And figures like Koung—young, charismatic, underestimated—can rapidly become dominant players.
As Vice President, he already enjoys national visibility. His outsider image, regional base, and calculated ambition make him either a unifier—or a disruptor. To dismiss him because he lacks elite polish is to repeat a historical mistake. Liberia’s next president may again come from the underestimated class.
Conclusion
This is not an endorsement. It is a warning. Liberia’s political rhythm is predictable to those who study it—and Jeremiah Kpan Koung Sr. is marching in step with that rhythm. To scoff at his beginnings, ignore his momentum, or assume he’s reached his peak is to ignore Liberia’s own history.
This nation elevates underdogs. And unless we prepare accordingly, Koung may be the next to rise. To ignore that possibility is to do so at our own political peril. Stay turn for recommendations on how to develop a ” Defeat Koung” political ” battle plan.”
